1997_1 |
Hans Joachim Harloff and Raffaela
Blöink
Ecological Change in Urban
Planning: Psychologys Call
on Industrial Societys
Housing and Settlement Design
In the following text we present a model for making
social changes. They will be profound and diverse,
requiring the knowledge of subject areas in addition to
our own fields of psychology and macroeconomic theory if
our image of necessary and desirable social development
is to be rounded out and made feasible. We do not regard
our proposed ideas as complete or perfected but rather as
a concept to spur further thought and work.
Global Ecological Problems and the
Enduring Economic
Crises of Mature National Economies
It is no secret that current global ecological
problems are primarily caused by the nature of economic
life in the wealthy industrialized nations. They, not the
populations of the economically underdeveloped countries,
hold the key to elimination of the trouble.
It is not so well known that the economically wealthy
countries are mired in a long-term crisis that many
renowned experts do not think can be eliminated with
traditional methods of controlling the economy. The rate
of unemployment in the whole of Germany, for example,
ranges around 10 per cent and is likely to rise. One
increasingly hears about the "two-thirds
society," a term suggesting that up to one third of
all working people will eventually become unemployed if
present economic conditions are maintained. In the
long-term, care for the unemployed, retired people, the
sick, and welfare beneficiaries is not affordable at
prevailing levels. These facts give added cause to
attempt social changes in the wealthy industrialized
nations.
Those changes must be sustainable. The term is generally
taken to mean that such changes are designed to improve
the earths ecological conditions and ensure the
long-term survival of human beings in the
"Third" World as well as the "First"
and "Second."
Ecological Change in Industrialized
Nations
General Demands
In the 1970s it was asked what an ecological change
might mean in the industrialized nations of the world.
Then, as now, certain calls were repeatedly heard in this
context: the idea of self-sufficiency, increased
self-administration and grass-roots democracy, and the
formation of small, manageable units. In what manner can
demands like these be acted on in a highly developed
society such as that in the Federal Republic of Germany?
What do people stand to gain?
Unfortunately, psychological mistakes were made when
these demands were elaborated upon. Advocates spoke of compelling
people to reduce consumption, striving for zero
growth, and renouncing affluent society.
People automatically rejected all these demands. They do
not want to be forced, do not want to give up things.
They want to develop freely and improve their quality of
life.
Only now is it clear that ecological change is indeed
compatible with an increase in affluence and the quality
of life. The crucial point is the psychologically correct
definition of these terms. Along with physical health and
the satisfaction of basic biological needs, affluence,
quality of life, or, quite simply, happiness primarily
means self-actualization in the social and intellectual
domain and in the productive (active) economic realm. The
latter means that a person wishes to make a meaningful
contribution to his or her own livelihood and that of
society, that is, wishes to do meaningful work.
Self-actualization in the social domain is achieved when
the individual is satisfied with his or her interpersonal
relations. In the intellectual domain, it means something
like living in harmony with ones own moral and
cultural values.
Making ecological change thus means that as many
people as possible
can perform what they recognize as personally
satisfying work,
can develop optimally in the intellectual and
cultural respect, and
live in harmonious, satisfying social relations.
(One thing called for in this third point is that
children be given ideal conditions for development;
that adults find sound opportunity to form
partnerships and establish friendships, and that old
people may age and die with dignity.)
These first three conditions would pave the way well
for the self-actualization of people and for their
psychological health. At the same time, the social
setting of human life must be shaped in such a way
that
the physical health of all individuals can be
ensured on the broadest possible basis,
the human beings basic biological needs
(especially food, water, and shelter) can be
satisfied, and
all human humans can live without fear.
Dual Economic and Social Order
To make ecological change a reality in the
industrialized nations, we propose introducing a dual
economic and social order. Our point of departure is the
continued existence of the western capitalist economic
and social system, that is, the retention of the market
as the driving force and guide of the economy. However,
half-time employment should be introduced. This change
need not be imposed through government fiat; it could be
achieved instead through low taxation of half-time jobs
combined with very high taxation of full-time jobs, the
intention being to reduce the motivation to work more
than 20 hours a week. Couples with children would be
granted additional relief, but only if both partners have
half-time jobs.
Instituting half-time employment as the standard work
time helps solve a number of problems. First, or course,
is unemployment. Second, it would bring the goal of equal
rights for women and men a quantum step closer to being
achieved. Women could pursue their self-actualization in
the world of work just as men could, and men would have
more cause and opportunity to perform their domestic
responsibilities and engage their talents in
child-rearing and childcare. Third, as we shall see, a
need is created for adults to pursue additional
productive activities in the neighborhood. This is
nonpaid work not recorded in the national accounts. Yona
Friedman (1978) attempted to introduce the term
"modernized quarternalization" (Modernized
neighborhood production structure) for this dimension.
Alongside the production and control system of the
market economy, we propose introducing a second system
characterized best with the terms self-sufficiency and
self-administration. By these expressions we mean that
people living in the same neighborhood work together on
their own in an organized fashion to provide for
existence. This activity is pursued as a complement to
the supply process that continues to operate via the
rather anonymous macroeconomic production and
distributional processes controlled by the market. The
groups themselves decide which additional production is
to be pursued at the neighborhood level. It seems
reasonable, however, to apply this type of arrangement to
such "goods" and activities as can be pursued
especially well on the basis of knowing and living next
to each other: not only for childcare, education prior to
formal schooling, and the care of sick and disabled
persons but also for many crafts bearing on the care and
maintenance of dwellings, other buildings, and the
quarters outdoor spaces. Under certain
circumstances it is also imaginable that farming (of
herbs, fruits, and vegetables, for example), food
preparation (communal kitchens), and the altering and
manufacturing of apparel could be engaged in. Basically,
all these proposals are unspectacular. Most of them have
already been made in one way or another and in other
contexts. What is new is the proposal to introduce such a
second, complementary neighborhood production-structure
everywhere and thereby try simultaneously to
eliminate imbalances of the current social order
(unemployment), relative pauperization of retired
persons and welfare recipients, the impossibly high
cost of health care and institutional care of the
sick and aged, and
contribute to a global ecological change.
The Task of Psychology
The introduction of such a modernized neighborhood
production structure (quaternalization) can only succeed
if the knowledge of psychology is kept in mind. As
pointed out above, it was a psychological mistake if
ecological change in the industrialized nations of the
1970s was often described as "back to the
countryside" and/or "back to simple,
work-intensive production methods," and if talk was
of forcing people in wealthy countries to reduce
or forego consumption and give up economic
growth.
No one would like to return to quasi-medieval living
conditions, no one would like to give up something, and
no one likes being forced into something, even for
ones own good. It is therefore very important to
emphasize that prosperity should not be reduced but that
living standards should be increased by adding immaterial
goods of the kind mentioned above. It must be stressed
that the intention is not to renounce quantitative
economic growth but to achieve qualitative social growth.
It is important that people not be forbidden to work full
time (because prohibitions create reactance) but rather
that taxation be structured so that income from full-time
employment is scarcely higher than that from half-time
employment. People (men included) give up nothing if they
work only half-time in the anonymous and often alienated
structure of the market economy; they gain instead the
opportunity to perform meaningful work for themselves and
the members of their own group. That is, they can
experience productive self-actualization.
For this objective to be met, however, it is necessary
for work to be performed communally in the structure of
self-sufficiency (i.e., each person can have a voice in
discussion and decision-making) and for the
responsibilities to be shared on the basis of each
participants preferences and interests. In
addition, it is psychologically important to grant each
person the opportunity to work half-time in the basic
structure of the alienated market economy because working
there is ultimately still associated with much more
prestige than working solely in the complementary
structure of self-sufficiency because one is
"unemployed."
Drawing on psychological knowledge, one also needs to
remember that no person must be compelled to join the
quaternary structure of self-sufficiency when it is
introduced. Anyone can remain outside the groups that are
to be formed (see below). The only disadvantage for those
who do so is that they forego the advantages that
membership offers.
Likewise, insights of psychology must be applied so that
people do decide to join the quaternary structure
complementing the market economy. In terms of housing
management, for example, it is known from residential
psychology and sociology that granting tenants a say in
administering and maintaining all the dwellings of their
building complex is not enough to move them to undertake
small maintenance measures around and near the access
points (such as changing a light bulb in a stairwell).
That kind of behavior is elicited only in return for
material advantage such as rent reduction or the granting
of long-term protection from eviction coupled with
protection from unjustified rent raises. To cite another
example, it is known that a high level of environmental
awareness is not enough to instill ecological behavior in
a person. Savings in time and costs are required as
additional incentives to acquire and switch to new,
environmentally sound practices. It
will therefore be necessary to offer material incentives
for joining quaternary structures of self-sufficiency, at
least in the beginning. The act of joining would, for
example, entitle members of the structure of
self-sufficiency to free use of its services, facilities,
and output, whereas nonmembers will continue having to do
business with the expensive commercial craft and service
organizations. Further ideas about material incentives
are presented in the next section.
Specific Demands Addressed to Urban
Planning and Housing Design
Basic Aspects Pertaining to Ecological
Structures of Self-sufficiency
The creation of the recommended structures of
self-sufficiency draws on what is already familiar and
what already exists and is completely voluntary. It
builds, first, on traditional family and single-member
households, which can join together in neighborhood
groups ("small networks") and
"ecoquarters" to support themselves (see
below). Second, it is based on the housing and settlement
structures that exist in the various parts of the city.
With our model for a complementary quaternary structure
of self-sufficiency, the point of departure is thus
peoples residential domain (as opposed to the
domain of work and leisure) and the self-sufficiency
(e.g., food preparation, childcare, and child-rearing)
that always exists there in the context of many different
residential activities. We facilitate or broaden them by
including production suited to neighborhood communal
supply processes. This focus on the residential domain is
recommendable because social and environmental
psychologists know that spatial proximity is a factor
that can greatly promote the inception of neighborly and
even friendly relations among people.
Home ownership, small networks, and ecoquarters are
the pillars of the quaternary structure of
self-sufficiency. Let us now describe these three
elements in greater detail and explain why they are
necessary.
A Basic Right to a Dwelling
Adults or families have a basic right to a dwelling.
This should be made a constitutional right. It is given
its full due only through home ownership, which is why
executive acts should be used to grant tenants the right
and opportunity to buy their rented accommodations if
they so choose. Home ownership eliminates the fear of
eviction and gives erstwhile tenants the right to do with
their residential space whatever their needs and desires
dictate. Home ownership by all tenants can be achieved if
they are given the right to rent or lease their dwelling
with an option to purchase it. The rent paid would
henceforth be divided into an appropriate return on
capital investment, which the tenant gradually amortizes
vis-à-vis the owner, and a payment for maintaining the
dwelling (and, on a prorated basis, for maintaining the
exterior spaces that go with it). The rent-purchaser
"saves" this premium and is henceforth
responsible for the condition of the dwelling. The
community of the buildings owners, made up of all
rent-purchasers and home owners, see to the maintenance
of the building as a whole and to its exterior spaces,
including associated structures (e.g., garages and
storage rooms).
The Formation of "Small Networks"
A "small network" consists of up to 30
families (including communes) and single-member
households living next to each other. Drawing on
Rusterholz, Harloff defined small networks as "ties
or unions involving several proximate households whose
residents pursue some form of communal self-sufficiency.
The self-sufficiency aspired to and practiced can pertain
primarily to material things . . . ,
it can be a social support
system . . . , or it can involve
joint intellectual-cultural activities." Depending
on the type of housing and settlement structure, the
small network of residents can consist of about 20
neighboring single-family houses. With blocks and
free-standing rows of apartment houses with fewer than
seven stories, the small network will consist of the
residents of up to three buildings. With free-standing
rows of apartment houses having
seven or more stories and with point houses and slab
houses in tall structures, the small network will consist
of residents of one building, of one of its floors, or
perhaps of several floors. The small network can thus be
larger or smaller than, or identical with, the previously
described community of owners of a multistory building of
apartments that used to be rented.
The small network is the first-order structure of
self-sufficiency. At that level the forms of
self-sufficiency and self-help that take place are those
in which participants know each other well and have at
least good neighborly, if not friendly, relations. Such
relations can mean, for example, giving moral support in
emergencies; sharing leisure time; helping each other out
with materials, appliances, and the like; looking after
the children together; and going shopping for the other
person. They can also range to caring for the sick and
aged. All these forms of mutual support were practiced in
classical small networks. These relations now also
include simple interior maintenance work and joint care
and repair of semipublic spaces in and around the
house(s). Small networks have (sometimes in agreement
with communal owners) the power of disposal over the use
of hallways, stairwells, parking places, courtyards, and
similar semipublic spaces belonging to the dwellings.
Much of the self-support in small networks will take
place informally, as in traditional, functioning
neighborhoods. For long-term, recurring tasks, however, a
formal organizational structure such as an association, a
civil corporation, or a cooperative is needed. In this
context it is important that the residents of the small
network have a large multipurpose room in which everyone
can meet.
Formation of Ecoquarters
Ecoquarters are the second-order units of
self-sufficiency. They consist of 200 to 500 neighboring
households or anywhere from 15 to 30 small networks that
belong together. These numbers, too, are only rough
approximations. The group must be manageable in scope.
The members still know each other, but in many cases only
by sight. The ecoquarter is the place where all the
services and output that cannot be produced in the single
network are produced for the members or networks of
members. Take major repairs and remodeling of the
buildings, for example. At the level of the ecoquarter,
the individual networks pool and exchange their expertise
and specializations, including services in the social or
leisure domain. If the share of children is high in the
quarter, for example, childcare will take place at the
network level; if there are but few children, one or two
childcare facilities will be set up for the ecoquarter as
a whole.
Ecoquarters emerge through ecological transformation and
continued development of existing quarters. As with the
small networks, ecoquarters start from physical
structures that are already present; existing spatial
conditions must be taken into consideration. This
recommendation stems from the fact that a buildings
physical structures promote the formation of groups.
People living in the same multistory apartment building
usually know each other. They happen to meet up at the
entrance to the building, on the stairs, at the
mailboxes, at the trash bins, and so forth. These chance
encounters and the knowledge that they live in the same
building creates affinities, we-feelings, and, hence, a
loose group. These ties would serve as foundations for
small networks and ecoquarters that one might wish to
build. The same loose relation arises, for instance,
among residents at the end of a residential street,
around a cul-de-sac, or, in relatively large
neighborhoods, by coming across each other when going
about their daily affairs, sitting in the doctors
office, standing at the counter in the drugstore, and so
on. Because knowing each other and getting along is
important to the residents of the ecoquarter, the
architecture at this higher-order (second) level, too,
should be designed to promote the rise of a we-feeling
among residents of the same ecoquarter. It is not
problematic where there are clearly delineated,
appropriately large units, such as a "slab"
high-rise containing 500 dwellings or a suburban
settlement that is set apart from other developed sites
by virtue of architectural style and/or a green belt.
Where such delineation from the surrounding architecture
is not present, it should eventually be created through
structural alteration and rebuilding.
Whereas small networks have disposal of the semipublic
spaces of and between their houses, the ecoquarters have
disposal of the public spaces of the area they occupy,
except, of course, where that jurisdiction is limited by
the administrative authority of the city and, sometimes,
the district. The ecoquarters require a permanent
organizational and administrative structure more than the
small networks do. This circumstance reminds one somewhat
of the political structure in village communities,
although the responsibilities in an ecoquarter are more
diverse and different in nature. The organization and
administration of ecoquarters is concerned with
production management and the harmonization of needs from
one small network to the next. The objective is to
provide for the members of the ecoquarter and increase
their prosperity, not so much to exercise sovereign
functions. Nevertheless, there is a need for a council
for the quarter and, sometimes, an administrator.
Concluding Observations: The Change
in
Consciousness in Human Beings
It may be admitted that the economic crisis and
imbalances of the highly developed economic society can
be eliminated by means of the measures we propose. In
particular, it seems certain that unemployment would end;
that retired persons and welfare beneficiaries would
cease being decoupled from societys increase in
prosperity; and that the exorbitant cost of caring for
the sick, the handicapped, and the aged would be
countered (because responsibility for such care would
largely be returned to families and neighborhoods). But
what about environmental protection, consideration for
Third and Fourth World countries, ecological awareness,
and consideration for future generations? These goals
have not been forgotten. We have intentionally emphasized
primarily the aspects of coping with crises and enhancing
prosperity. We have also stressed the idea of meaningful
work in the quaternary structure and self-actualization
as it relates to group life and leisure. We are certain,
however, that ecological objectives will be included as a
kind of by-product.
The link is there. Many people who have heretofore worked
40 hours a week, especially singles, will earn less in
the proposed dual economic and social order because they
are either "employed" only half-time (in the
basic structure) or taxed at a higher rate than used to
be the case. It is true that they will be compensated
somewhat through self-sufficiency if they join a small
network, but they may nevertheless have cause to
economize. The same thing may be true for a few others as
well, but not everyone. For example, couples in which
only one member has "worked" because, say, they
had small children to care for, should not be worse off
after the dual economic order is introduced, for they
would be earning two half-time incomes. Indeed, their
material well-being is likely to improve because of
quaternary supplemental benefits. The same is true for
welfare recipients and retired persons as long as their
government benefits are not reduced.
More important is that additional "pressure" to
save comes from the formation of small-network groups,
from the midst of the group as it were. Take, for
instance, the motor pool of a small network: twenty cars,
motorcycles, motor scooters, and mopeds and forty
bicycles. Each motorized vehicle, whether or not it is
moved, incurs costs in taxes and insurance (perhaps also
rent for garage space). And many of the vehicles sit
motionless more than they travel. Because people in the
small network constantly meet to organize the process of
self-sufficiency and to see to concomitant quaternary
"production," trust, the feeling of
belongingness, friendships, and so forth grow. It would
therefore be almost a miracle if people in the small
network did not begin to reduce the costs of the motor
pool by gradually using it communally. Basically,
vehicles are not the only things characterized by this
linkage. It is likely, therefore, that the strengthening
of psychological ties within the small network will be
paralleled by more and more encouragement for the members
to regard themselves as a genuine group and exploit all
the economic advantages thereof (i.e., savings on the
consumption and use of material goods).
There is a third point as well. As people draw closer
together, consumption behavior declines, for parts of
consumption in todays society are surrogates for
social relations. Moreover, the chances that ecological
objectives will prevail are much higher in a society
where singles and small families are joined in small
networks and ecoquarters than if individuals and small
groups become or remain anonymous. These dynamics have to
do with the pull and push effects of groups. These
effects involve three aspects: (a) positive images
are perceived better than in the anonymous, traditional
neighborhoods (b) commitment (to try adopting
different, more ecological behavior) is much stronger if
declared to a group than only to oneself, for private
resolutions can be broken without loss of face; and
(c) in small, manageable communities there is
pressure on deviant members. That is, adherence to stated
ecological group goals is achieved by social pressure,
too.
The comment about social pressure in small, manageable
communities prompts us to point out that this pressure
will never be all-encompassing in an urban setting. This
is the beautiful thing about bringing ecological
community structures into the city. The city has
innumerable small networks and a host of ecoquarters
(along with theaters, sports stadiums and other leisure
facilities serving the city as a whole) that are so close
to each other that the individual can pursue many highly
individual interests of a spiritual and cultural nature
by participating in the activities of a wide range of
groups. Exploiting the citys advantages, one can
repeatedly find partial escape from the pressure of
small, manageable communities and thereby maximize
individual self-development, something that is unlikely
in the village or other small social unit.
It may not be easy to gain acceptance for the dual
economic and social order we propose. In political terms,
however, there will eventually be no choice but to head
in the direction just indicated. Of that we are virtually
certain.
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